India and the Russia-Ukraine War: The Paradox of Military Dependence, Traditional Loyalty and Strategic Autonomy

[from India in Transition, published by the Center for the Advanced Study of India (CASI) of the University of Pennsylvania, by Arndt Michael]

India, long-established as the world’s most populous democracy, has been quite instrumental over the years in assisting various countries dealing with democratic struggles. This support has included a blend of bilateral and multilateral initiatives, and especially economic development projects. Yet, India’s recent attitude toward the Russian attack on Ukraine and its concomitant behavior in the United Nations Security Council (as a non-permanent member) seems to contradict its support of democracy. By abstaining, rather than explicitly voting in favor of UN resolutions condemning Russian aggression at the beginning of the war, India angered several UN member-countries.

In order to substantiate its abstention from voting, India felt compelled to issue a so-called “Explanation of Vote” (EoV). In it, India asked for a “return to the path of diplomacy” and an immediate cessation of “violence and hostilities.” Crucially, India stated in the EoV that “the contemporary global order has been built on the UN Charter, international law, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states…all member states need to honor these principles in finding a constructive way forward. Dialogue is the only answer to settling differences and disputes, however daunting that may appear at this moment.” 

While these statements and the call for dialogue are in accordance with India’s professed stance toward the relevance and objectives enshrined in the UN Charter, the discrepancy between rhetoric and practice is still conspicuous. At first glance, a “good” relationship with Russia seems to be more significant than the expectations of the world-community as represented in the United Nations. And, more importantly, by abstaining, India seemingly violated one of its central foreign and strategic policies: to always strive for strategic autonomy.

However, from a strategic perspective, India is precisely replicating what it did when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. For India, its own national security is at stake, as well as its current and future geostrategic influence in Asia and the world. The military dependence that currently exists between India and Russia is nothing short of gigantic and has created a dangerous conundrum. Since the “Indo–Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation” was signed in 1971, defense agreements and long-term supply contracts have been in place. And while India and Russia have shared a strategic relationship since October 2000, this was upgraded in December 2020 to a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” 

Although there was a marked reduction of Russian imports in past years, official data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) reveal that between 1996-2015, the Russian proportion of Indian military imports was almost 70 percent, and between 2016-20 it still hovered around 49 percent. In fact, 70 percent of all Indian military equipment currently in use has been directly produced in Russia, was manufactured with the majority of parts coming from Russia, or licensed by Russia. In 2020, this included the majority of Indian tanks, the only aircraft carrier (the INS Vikramaditya, a heavily modified Kiev-class aircraft carrier) with all of its combat aircraft MiG-29s, six frigates, four destroyers and the only nuclear-powered submarine. Additionally, eight out of fourteen Indian Navy submarines belong to the Russian Kilo-class. The Indian Air Force flies Sukhoi Su-30MKIs and Mil Mi-17s, which, respectively, constitute the largest share of the combat aircraft and utility helicopters, in addition to Russian tanker planes. India also just recently purchased the S-400 missile system.

Even though India has begun to reorient itself militarily toward other countries—the U.S., Israel, France and Italy—and has substituted foreign imports by slowly developing its own capabilities, a large number of new Indo-Russian projects are in the conceptual or implementation stages. In December 2021, in the frame of the so-called “2+2 Dialogue” (foreign and defense ministers), India and Russia began a new phase in their militarytechnological cooperation. Incidentally, India has used this very format for furthering cooperation in strategic, security and intelligence issues with four of its key strategic partners: Australia, the U.S., Japan and the newly added Russia. Russia and India agreed upon a further deepening of mutual military relations for ten years (until 2031). What is new is that next to the traditional purchase of Russian weapons systems, many common research projects and the development of new weapons systems—with their production taking place equally in both countries—have been agreed upon. This production includes new frigates, helicopters, submarines, cruise missiles and even Kalashnikovs

The depth of this mutual engagement, and especially India’s dependence, highlights a huge dilemma that might not only have drastic strategic consequences, but also long-lasting regional repercussions. The worldwide sanctions issued against Russia aim at the Russian economy and military. When it comes to the procurement of such crucial components as microchips or airline parts, Russia is soon expected to face shortages, essentially crippling its capacity to repair, construct, or have spare parts available (let alone construct new equipment). Unless other countries, such as China, circumvent international sanctions and step-in, the expected Russian inability to take care of its own military will have a spill-over effect. Russia is unlikely to be able to fulfill its contractual obligations toward India, and the lack of spare parts also has the potential to cripple India’s own military with regards to the Russian weapons equipment. The procurement agreements and common projects are, hence, all in jeopardy and India, now more than ever, depends on Russian goodwill. 

Next to military dependence, there are other concomitant effects in the economic and political sphere that influence Indian voting behavior. The worldwide sanctions have already led to dramatic increases in oil and gas prices, with India relying on imports of up to 80 percent. India will, therefore, have to pay much more for such crucial imports. Military imports from other countries aimed at substituting Russian equipment will also be much more expensive. All of this deals the Indian economy another blow—an economy that has been especially hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic. And politically, Indian hegemony in South Asia has been markedly under pressure, in no small part because of the ChinaPakistan axis. In the eyes of India, this axis poses a serious threat to an already highly volatile IndoPakistan relationship. In addition, the IndoChina relationship reached a new low in May 2020 when Chinese infrastructure projects along the Himalayan borderlands led to fighting and the killing of soldiers. In addition, the Chinese claims to the South China Sea are categorically disputed by India. Chinese overtures toward Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and especially Pakistan in the frame of the Road Initiative are also regarded with growing discontent, as India claims that China is following a policy of encircling India.

In its 75th year of independence, India is following a classic realpolitik in trying not to alienate Russia while pledging rhetorical support for Ukraine. The contradictory consequence is that Russia has now offered more discounted oil, gas, and investments, while at the same time, the UK has suggested its military relationship with India could be upgraded—and has offered weapons made in the UK. For the Indian political establishment, India cannot forgo Russian support, militarily or as a producer of cheap oil and gas. Going forward, India’s military will need to protect its national security and project Indian influence and power well beyond its borders.

Arndt Michael is a Lecturer in the Department of Political Science, University of Freiburg (Germany), author of the multi-award-winning book India’s Foreign Policy and Regional Multilateralism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), and co-editor of Indien Verstehen (Understanding India, Springer, 2016). His articles have been published in Asian Security, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Harvard Asia Quarterly, India Quarterly and India Review.

WANG Huiyao: To Save Global Trade, Start Small

[from the Center for China and Globalization]

by WANG Huiyao (王辉耀), Founder of the Center for China and Globalization

The global economy is being rocked by war, sanctions and spiraling commodity prices—not to mention the ongoing strain of the pandemic, geopolitical tensions and climate change. These compounding risks present a serious challenge to the system of open trade that the World Trade Organization was designed to uphold. But it also offers a chance for the beleaguered organization, which is holding its first ministerial conference since 2017, to prove its continuing relevance.

The WTO has traditionally focused on combating protectionism—measures designed to insulate producers from international competition. Now, though, the biggest threats to free trade come from policies meant to safeguard national security and protect citizens from risks, such as those related to health, the environment or digital spaces.

Former WTO Director-General Pascal Lamy has called this growing use of export controls, cybersecurity laws, investment blacklists, reshoring incentives and the like “precautionism.” It’s been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, when many countries moved to restrict exports of medical supplies and other essentials. COVID-19 has also raised concerns about the vulnerability of supply chains, particularly those dependent on geopolitical rivals.

The world’s two biggest trading nations, the United States and China, have both engaged in precautionism. The U.S. is actively pursuing a policy of “friend-shoring”—shifting trade flows from potentially hostile countries to friendlier ones. China’s “dual circulation” strategy aims in part to reduce dependence on foreign imports, especially technology, while its government has long imposed limits on data flows in and out of the country.

With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the momentum toward friend-shoring has grown. Meanwhile, food shortages and surging prices have triggered another round of precautionary measures: Since the war began, 63 countries have imposed a more than 100 export restrictions on fertilizer and foodstuffs.

While the impulse driving such policies is understandable, the trend could cause great harm if allowed to run unchecked. It will increase inflation and depress global growth, especially if it involves costly redeployment of supply chains away from efficient producers such as China. A recent WTO study estimated that decoupling the global economy into “Western” and “Eastern” blocs would wipe out nearly 5% in output, the equivalent of $4 trillion.

As a recent study by the International Monetary Fund points out, the way to make global value chains more resilient is to diversify, not dismantle them. Turning away from open trade will only make states more vulnerable to economic shocks such as war, disease or crop failures.

The WTO is an obvious vehicle to rally collective action on these issues. However, like other global institutions, it has been weakened by years of deadlock. At this week’s meeting, countries should start to build positive momentum with some small but symbolically significant breakthroughs to show the WTO can still mobilize joint action.

Given current threats to food security, at the very least members should agree not to restrict exports of foodstuffs purchased for the World Food Programme. A step further would be a joint statement calling on members to keep trade in food and agricultural products open and avoid imposing unjustified export restrictions. There should also be closer coordination to smooth supply chains and clogged logistics channels.

Another low-hanging fruit is finally securing a  waiver covering intellectual property rights for COVID-19-related products. This proposal has languished for over 18 months but has now been redrafted to address concerns from the U.S. and European Union. Signing it would go some way to expanding global access to vaccines, which are still sorely needed in many parts of the world.

Beyond this week, the WTO secretariat and members need to develop a work program to reform the organization. This should include developing a framework to ensure that if states do take precautionary measures, they do so in a transparent, rules-based manner that does not slide into more harmful forms of protectionism.

Reviving the WTO’s defunct dispute settlement mechanism is a clear priority. Twenty-five members have agreed to an interim arrangement that would function in a similar way. More members should join this agreement, ideally including the U.S., and start negotiating the full restoration of a binding mechanism. They should also set clear criteria for carveouts for legitimate precautionary measures related to national security, healthcare and environmental issues.

No one should expect big breakthroughs in Geneva. But practical agreements on immediate priorities such food security and vaccines would at least help to reassert the WTO’s relevance and show that the world’s trading partners are not simply going to give up on multilateralism. At this dangerous moment, even small victories are welcome.

World-Watching: 21st International Economic Forum on Africa 2022

[From the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)]

The Future Africa Wants: Better Policies for the Next Generation and a Sustainable Transition

Fast and brutal mutations in the global economy today are reshaping conditions for transforming African economies and creating better opportunities for its youth. Efforts to reduce the continent’s dependence on raw material exports, advance productive transformation and increase investment and domestic resource mobilization are being challenged.

Can innovative policies and international partnerships help address: 

Join OECD experts, African leaders and policy makers and shakers to discuss next steps for a more sustainable future.

The 21st edition of the AUOECD International Economic Forum on Africa takes places in the framework of the OECD Ministerial Council Meeting (MCM), chaired by Italy under the theme “The Future We Want: Better Policies for the Next Generation and a Sustainable Transition.” The Forum is an opportunity for OECD members to engage at high level, yet informally, with Africa’s leaders, movers and shakers on the way forward.

Register to attend in person.

Can’t come to Paris? Join the Forum online, watch it on OECD TV, Twitter or Facebook

Multiple Searchlights Give You Understanding

Naive views of world events and world history are mono-causal but the world is always “multifactorial.” The Left and the Right keep on pushing these “perfect myopia” analyses:

For example, in the movie masterpiece Reds from 1981, John Reed (played by Warren Beatty) keeps repeating that the cause of World War I is and will be J.P. Morgan’s loans and profits, a variant of “vulgar Marxism.”

We have already seen that one cannot understand World War I and the “winds of war” leading up to it without several layers of analysis including the globalization forces from 1870-1914 and the rise of an integrated Atlantic economy (Professor Jeffrey Williamson book); the rise of the Anglo-German antagonism (described in Paul Kennedy’s excellent book); the flow of loan capital and debts described in Herbert Feis’s classic, re-issued in 1965 and described here:

“This book, published for the Council on Foreign Relations, does not deal directly with the war or with its origins, but it has been included in this category because few books published in recent years have made more substantial contributions to the history of pre-war international relations in the broadest sense.

Feis’s book is the first adequate treatment of international loans in the years from 1870 to 1914, a subject the importance of which has long been recognized but the discussion of which has never got far beyond the stage of loose generalities. The scientific treatment of it involves a thorough command of the extensive literature of pre-war diplomacy as well as an intimate acquaintance with the sources of international finance.

So far as the reviewer can see, Feis has not missed anything of importance. He not only knows the material, but he knows how to use it; he understands the political motives and considerations which lay behind these financial transactions. A large part of the volume is taken up with a pioneer study of the character of British, French and German foreign investments and the general policies followed by the governments towards investments abroad. The remainder is devoted to a review of the major enterprises—the financing of Russia, the Balkan States, Egypt, Morocco, China and some of the less important countries. Other chapters deal with the vexed problems of Balkan and Asiatic railway. In many instances Feis’s treatment is the only adequate one in existence, but even in the larger sense the book is a reliable and thoroughly readable piece of research, one that no student of international relations can afford to overlook.”

(William L. Langer’s review of Europe: the World’s Banker, 1870-1914 by Herbert Feis)

On top of all this, we have the problem of parochial and tribal and personal “sleepwalking,” captured so well by Professor Christopher Clark:

The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914 is historian Christopher Clark’s riveting account of the explosive beginnings of World War I.

The drastic changes in attitudes, society, values and mentalities is then captured, for post-World War I England, by Ford Madox Ford’s Parade’s End:

Parade’s End (1924-1928) is a tetralogy of novels by the British novelist and poet Ford Madox Ford (1873–1939). The novels chronicle the life of a member of the English gentry before, during and after World War I.

Only this type of “multifactorial” panorama—what we call “circum-spective intelligence” or “meta-intelligence”—can give you the multiple searchlights you need.

Where the searchlight views intersect is where understanding begins.

Everything else is monomaniacal cartooning à la the “simp” analysis of John Reed in the brilliant movie Reds, from 1981.

Bruegel Publication Alert: The EU-Russia-China Energy Triangle

Policy Contribution

(from Bruegel)

By Georg Zachmann

Concern is growing in the European Union that a rapprochement between Russia and China could have negative implications for the EU.

We argue that energy relations between the EU and Russia and between China and Russia influence each other. We analyze their interactions in terms of four areas: oil and gas trading, electricity exchanges, energy technology exports and energy investments.

We discuss five key hypotheses that describe the likely developments in these four areas in the next decade and their potential impact on Europe:

  1. There is no direct competition between the EU and China for Russian oil and gas.
  2. China and the EU both have an interest in curbing excessive Russian energy rents.
  3. The EU, Russia and China compete on the global energy technology market, but specialize in different technologies.
  4. Intercontinental electricity exchange is unlikely.
  5. Russia seems more worried about Chinese energy investments with strategic/political goals than about EU investments.

Read the full report [Archived PDF].

Economics—A Decade after the Global Recession: Lessons and Challenges for Emerging and Developing Economies

from M. Ayhan Kose, Director, Prospects Group, World Bank Group:

Dear Colleagues.

This year marks the tenth anniversary of the 2009 global recession. Most emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) weathered the global recession relatively well, in part by using the sizeable fiscal and monetary policy buffers accumulated during the prior years of strong growth. However, a short-lived rebound in activity has been followed by a decade of protracted weakness in EMDEs amid bouts of financial market stress, falling commodity prices, and subdued trade and investment.

Are EMDEs ready to face a deeper global downturn, if it materializes? Our new study A Decade After the Global Recession: Lessons and Challenges for Emerging and Developing Economies [PDF] takes on this question. It examines developments of the past decade, draws lessons for these economies, and discusses policy options. The study is the first comprehensive analysis on the topic with a truly EMDE focus. It offers three main conclusions. First, perhaps for the first time, many EMDEs were able to implement large-scale countercyclical fiscal and monetary policy stimulus during the last global recession. Second, looking ahead, policymakers in many EMDEs are now equipped with stronger policy frameworks than in earlier global downturns or financial crises. Third, EMDEs have now less policy room to face a global downturn than they had before the 2009 global recession. Irrespective of the timing of the next global downturn, the big lesson of the past decade for EMDEs is clear: since they are less well prepared today than prior to the 2009 episode, they urgently need to undertake cyclical and structural policy measures to be able to effectively confront the next downturn when it happens.

You can download the book here [PDF]. Its table of contents is below (each chapter individually downloadable). All charts featured in the book (with underlying data series) are also available below.

A Decade After the Global Recession: Lessons and Challenges for Emerging and Developing Economies [PDF]

Edited by M. Ayhan Kose and Franziska Ohnsorge

Part I: Context

Chapter 1: A Decade After the Global Recession: Lessons and Challenges [PDF]
Chapter 2: What Happens During Global Recessions? [PDF]

Part II: In the Rearview Mirror

Chapter 3: Macroeconomic Developments [PDF]
Chapter 4: Financial Market Developments [PDF]
Chapter 5: Macroeconomic and Financial Sector Policies [PDF]

Part III: Looking Ahead

Chapter 6: Prospects, Risks, and Vulnerabilities [PDF]
Chapter 7: Policy Challenges [PDF]

Part IV: Implications for the World Bank Group

Chapter 8: The Role of the World Bank Group [PDF]

Excel Charts

Complete archive [ZIP]

Chapter 1 [XLSX]
Chapter 2 [XLSX]
Chapter 3 [XLSX]
Chapter 4 [XLSX]
Chapter 5 [XLSX]
Chapter 6 [XLSX] Box [XLSX]
Chapter 7 [XLSX]
Chapter 8 [XLSX]

PS: This study follows on the World Bank Group’s recent book on Inflation in Emerging and Developing Economies. For their main periodical products, please visit: Global Economic Prospects and Commodity Markets Outlook. For their full menu of monitoring publications, please visit: World Bank Economic Monitoring. For their analytical work on topical policy issues, please visit Prospects Group Policy Research Working Papers.

Economics—Apple Card’s Fintech Problem; Improving AI-Based Recommendations; IBM & Nazi Germany

from Harvard Business School Working Knowledge:

Gender Bias Complaints against Apple Card Signal a Dark Side to Fintech

The possibility that Apple Card applicants were subject to gender bias opens a new frontier for the financial services sector in which regulators are largely absent, argues Karen Mills.

It’s No Joke: AI Beats Humans at Making You Laugh

New research shows people don’t trust recommendations made by machines—and that’s a problem for marketers who increasingly rely on AI-based technology to persuade consumers. Michael H. Yeomans explains how businesses can overcome that bias.

Do TV Debates Sway Voters?

As Democratic presidential candidates prepare for another debate, Vincent Pons reports that TV forums don’t influence voters.

Lessons from IBM in Nazi Germany

Geoffrey Jones discusses his case study, “Thomas J. Watson, IBM and Nazi Germany,” exploring the options and responsibilities of multinationals with investments in politically reprehensible regimes.

For Better Ideas, Bring the Right People to the Brainstorm

Better ideas emerge when extroverts and people open to new experiences put their heads together, according to research by Rembrand M. Koning. But what about introverts?

Should Non-Compete Clauses Be Abolished?

Non-compete clauses prevent workers from bringing secrets with them to competitors. But increasingly NCCs are unnecessarily restricting job mobility for low-level employees. Should they be banned? asks James Heskett.

Design Rules, Volume 2: How Technology Shapes Organizations series

Working papers by Carliss Y. Baldwin and Kim B. Clark explain how and why different types of technology design pose different opportunities and challenges for organizations and can become vital forces of innovation.

World-Watching: India

(from ICRIER Newsletter | November 2019 | Vol. III, Issue 11)

The November 2019 issue of the Newsletter provides a quick recap of ICRIER’s research and policy engagements during the month of October 2019.

Three research reports were released by ICRIER last month in the areas of competition, trade and investment and climate change (See below).

ICRIER also organized consultation workshops, dissemination and outreach events during the month. ICRIER researchers published several articles in leading newspapers and other media platforms on a variety of current issues such as growth, agriculture, trade, FTAs, RCEP, single use plastics and the Economics Nobel. We sincerely hope that you will take a few moments to glance through these updates and engage further with anything that interests you. We hope you enjoy the newsletter’s new format. As always, we welcome your valuable feedback.

Competition Issues in India’s Mobile Handset Industry

(Rajat Kathuria, Mansi Kedia and Kaushambi Bagchi)

Mobile phones have been the key to India’s technology revolution. India is the second largest mobile phone market globally, next only to China. At the end of 2018, the estimated number of smart phone users in India was 337 million, compared to 2.53 billion users worldwide. One would imagine that the exponential increase in cheaper smart phone models would displace the market for feature phones; to the contrary, feature phones continue to dominate the Indian market. While smart phone and feature phone shipments in 2018 Q3 were about the same, a comparison of growth rates shows that both phablets (large screen smartphones) and regular smartphones eclipse feature phones.

Read more (archived PDF).

Exploring Trade and Investment Opportunities between India and Select African and Asian Economies

(Anirudh Shingal, Neha Gupta, Minakshee Das, Akshaya Aggarwal and Varsha Jain)

Using descriptive statistical analysis, this study examines trade and investment opportunities between India and 41 African and Asian economies (mostly LDCs) by focusing on the latter’s export opportunities in the Indian market and on India’s investment opportunities in the selected countries. It also discusses barriers to realizing the identified trade and investment opportunities between India and the selected economies, based on a review of the existing literature.

Read more (archived PDF).

Financing Resilience against Natural Disasters

(Saon Ray, Samridhi Jain and Vasundhara Thakur)

Disaster Risk Resilience can be interpreted as global policies working for improving disaster risk reduction. The Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction is the guiding principle for efforts to improve resilience worldwide. This report links the global efforts for disaster risk reduction with resilient infrastructure. The report analyses the applicability of popular instruments for emerging economies, the role of the private sector, and challenges to implementation of resilience framework. It maps the evolution and status of disaster risk financing in India.

Read more (archived PDF).

ICANN 66 Pre-Meeting Briefing

ICRIER hosted the ICANN 66 Pre-Meeting Briefing on 18th October 2019 for its Indian stakeholders. This edition of the Pre-Meeting Briefing looked closely at the developments between ICANN 65 and ICANN 66 and highlighted some of the key policy discussions currently underway at ICANN. The event witnessed participation from various stakeholders from India, including representatives from the Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology (MeitY), National Internet Exchange of India (‘.in’ registry) along with Indian representatives active in various policy development processes at ICANN. ICANN 65 was held in Montreal, Canada, between 2-7 November 2019. ICRIER will also be hosting the ICANN 66 Readout during the first week of December 2019 to highlight some of the key takeaways from ICANN 66.

Read more [archived PDF].

Dissemination of the India-LDCs Trade and Investment Study

ICRIER organised Dissemination of the Report Exploring Trade and Investment Opportunities between India and Select African and Asian Economies on October 14, 2019 at Magnolia Hall, India Habitat Centre, Lodhi Road, New Delhi.

Welcome remarks were delivered by Dr. Rajat Kathuria, Director & CE, ICRIER and the Introductory Session was Chaired by Dr. Jayant Dasgupta, IAS (Retd.) Former Ambassador of India to the WTO. Dr. Anirudh Shingal, Sr. Fellow, ICRIER presented the key findings of the report, which was followed by a Panel discussion Chaired by Dr. Arpita Mukherjee, Professor, ICRIER.

Read more [archived PDF] [Presentation PDF] [Report PDF]

Market Incentives, Direct Income Support for Farmers are far more Effective in Increasing Agricultural Productivity

(Ashok Gulati, Sakshi Gupta)

Read article [archived PDF]

Cities at Crossroads: Single-use Plastic only Part of the Challenge

(Isher Judge Ahluwalia, Almitra Patel)

Read article [archived PDF]

From Plate to Plough: Agri-Policy Lessons from China

(Ashok Gulati & Sakshi Gupta)

Read article [archived PDF]

Growth, Income, Poverty and the Nobel

(Alok Sheel)

Read article [archived PDF]

Understanding the RCEP with Rajat Kathuria

(Rajat Kathuria)

Listen to podcast [archived MP3 audio] [PDF transcript]

The Five-trillion Math

(Alok Sheel)

Read article [archived PDF]

Has PM-Kisan Belied Expectations?

(Siraj Hussain)

Read article [archived PDF]

How Government Can Control Sudden Spike in Prices of Onion and Tomato

(Ashok Gulati & Harsh Wardhan)

Read article [archived PDF]

Best of Business Standard Opinion: Corporate Tax Cuts, Pollution Challenge…

(Durgesh K. Rai)

Read article [archived PDF]

India’s Trade with its FTA Partners: Experiences, Challenges…

(Durgesh K. Rai)

Read article [archived PDF]

India’s Trade Policy Should Lend an Ear to a Wider Range of Voices

(Ujjwal Krishna & Amrita Saha)

Read article [archived PDF]

Monsoon’s Late Surge Helps, But Floods Hurt Crop Prospects

(Siraj Hussain)

Read article [archived PDF]